Essay/ Research based

Manasā ritual: A deity who is called upon on the earth repeatedly

(An ethnographic meet)

Introduction: Turning to his religious experience, G.Van Der Leeuw (Leeuw, 1963: 463) cited Scheler’s thoughts as, ‘Everything external is closely connected with something internal; and conversely, without the outer there is no inner, or if there were it would not appear. A sacred stone, a god, a sacrament, therefore are experiences precisely as fear, love and piety are, since in both cases it is for us a question of what appears, of what makes itself known by signs…every act of worship, can only become understood primarily as the reflection of some experience; every act, every idea, is the expression of a need or a release, of pain or bliss’. I am quite agree to this thoughts and find myself resembling to the empirical experiences where the deity Manasā is evoked through many ways reveals the possessed divinity performance Deodhani. There are hundreds of concepts and usages of objects in this ritual reveal its primeval essence of worshipping. But accordingly this deity set herself up in the realm of Hindu yantra and pantheon(Fig B). My dissertation for the fulfilment of Ph.D research is mainly based on the performance studies. This essay is a small part of my research.

Fig A

Manasā ritual (Manasā pujā) is an another act of religious devotion in India directed towards the deity Manasā/মনসা (Fig A). The folk etymology of  Manasā(=Mānas+ā) is  derived from Mānas which means mind or intention. This may also lead to the meaning of connect spirituality insight of an individual. She is popularly known as a goddess of wish fulfilment and one who protects from snake bites. She is also ascribed with the power of curing infectious diseases like small pox and also as bringing fertility, wealth and prosperity.  She is venerated in Eastern India, some of her well known temples are also found in different parts of India such as in Haridwar. At the onset of rainy season, when the snakes are more active she is ritually invoked with sacrifices and offerings. She is a local deity imagined and prayed in the form of nature, maju or sometimes without form. Later she recognised as great devihood in Hindu śastric tradition and developed the image or form along with the other deity Swaraswati and Lakshmi. The legend and myth behind Manasā is the basis of many belongings such as Manjusha art, Solā art etc.  She is worshiped in a very vernacular way or local method (laukik) where glance of śastric Hindu worship tradition is also present. Undoubtedly, she is a pre Aryan goddess and the legend and belief behind her is about how she got the association within Hindu Pantheon. Vaishnavas, who usually refrain from worshipping goddess and even Muslims pay their homage directly or indirectly during the outbreak of epidemic diseases.

Fig B

The Assamese Hindu society is one which has assimilated into very many tribal groups. Manasā cult is popular in Western Assam among caste and tribes. Different epithets for her are Bisahari, Padmāwati, Paddā, Barmāni, Māre as according to the time and space. She is invoked by performing narrative with embodied performance; sacrificing animals; offering substances such as tulsi plant and other wild leafs (fern), rice, water, fruits, vermillion, betel nut and betel leaf, flower; ritual objects such as banana leafs, earthen lamp, ghee, śhankha (conch shell), ghaṭi (traditional brass pot). The devotees purify themselves by taking the remnant of the offerings as Prasad and Tilak. The primitive concept ‘Shaman’ is also present in this ritual through which divine possession released to an earthly human being (female) and consequently, the deity is invoked and invited to the ground to witness the deeds by her devotees and the shaman-Deodhani herself. The shaman and her possession is meant for the achievement such as the body, mind and spirit through which she gets into the involvement of higher and a supernatural being and consume the power to give the speech of the deity or prediction. People believe in this phenomenon.

Idol of Manasa

It is very difficult to say when this deity comes by this naming to be worshipped, but it can be revealed its existence when there was no religion and people worshiped nature so that they could come out from fear and dangers.

My empirical meeting with the villagers of Mandalgram, a small village in Dudhnoi area of Goalpara, Assam was very remarkable for me. I am going to put forward my experience and analysis in this essay from the field along with the help of secondary sources. The villagers propitiate the manifestation of the deity as Padda or Visahari. The believers of the deity invite her in a particular season and blessed. The villagers are of mainly Rabha and Bodo tribe, Koch Rajbangsi and Kalita caste. Śhaktism is more dominated in the village by goddess Manasā and kāli.

The ritual and its performing context vis-à-vis the festive mood: Mandalgram is a small village of Goalpara district of Assam. It is situated in 20 km away from the east side of the Dudhnoi railway (metre gauge) station. There is a temple in this village named ‘Mandalgram Padmā Mandir’ where once in a year of summer/spring season of looner calendar, the worship Māre/ Māroi pujā is carried out for three days and three nights. This religious ceremony is celebrated in the village every year from a much unknown early period. I was informed how prosperity bloomed into this village thereafter. Now-a-days, they can effort 2 buffalos as their sacrificial animal offerings which was not possible just three years before which means a definition of prosperity among them. Gatherings of many viewers and devotees have turned the location into a trading centre too. Moreover, they have a proper strategy to organise the worship as a celebration.

The basis of this celebration and its continuity is the fear comes from the power of the deity. And it is become a tradition to celebrate the religious fervor.The ritual follows the Assamese calendric month-Chot (March-April). Normally it is organised throughout the rainy season in between Chot-Bhāda (April-August).It is ceremonially worshiped on Nāga-Panchami in the Hindu month of Shrāvanā (local term is śāon). The ritual is performed in the temple as well as in an induced space which is sanctified and placed altars.

The orally transmitted ritual Manasā is not recorded yet except a collection of songs in local dialect called ‘Māre gān’ by Praneswar Rabha. Māre is the deity and gān means songs. Māre gān are performed ritually by a group known as Māre gua Ojā-pali where Ojā is the leader and palis are his assistants. B. K Baruah observes (Baruah, 1941: 90), ‘The songs of Manasā are still sung at the Ojha Pali when Manasā is worshipped as Marai (as cited by P.K.Maity, 295)’ (emphasis added by the scholar).

The ritual lady Deodhani takes a great role from beginning to end. The Deodhani of Māre gān and so, of Manasa worship is popularly known as Dedhāni.

The distinct ritual events lasts for three days and nights can be categorised as follows. I have divided it in a performance point of view.

1. Pre phase of worshipping-Adhivas.
2. Plummeting of Pottery and settle-Ghaṭ Burani.
3. Vision of the divine- Saku dān
4. Welcome/calling of deities- Deo Hākura.
5. Unconciousness or state of trance Dak.
6. Sacrifies-Bali bidhan
7. Remnant of blessings or grace- Prasad.

Unlike Hindu ritual the priest (Deuri) and his assistant (Deusi) do not chant any hymn (mantra), rather the singing group (Ojā-pāli) and their songs about narratives become the context and text of the entire ritual. The performing narrative specifies the time and duration of each ritual event. The ritual follows the performing speech and songs of the singers. On the other hand, the performers also follow some vrata (fasting) for their own purification. Their dedication towards rituals accomplish by Deodhani. These all are meant to the deity to get her appearance/existence in the altar to sprinkle divinity. All forms of offerings, simple or elaborate, involve purification, communication, and offering are solemnised to invite the omnipotent on the earth for them. The prosperity and fulfilment of wishes are later experienced by individuals and set a line of belief amongst them.

It is noteworthy to mention here that there was no idol for the deity in the early period. It is observed a murti (appearance) stands with two other Hindu goddess (rural said that they were the sisters to each other) which is later appeared into their folk life. The idol of the goddess is a four armed image seated in Padmasana; each of the hands contain snake holding and lower right hand is in blessing gesture. A canopy of five snake hoods is over her head. On its extreme right there is tiny figure of the god Shiva. On the pedestal there is a swan on which she rests her right feet. But a mound of earth of floral design and a pot onto it, is a very old tradition of  worshipping Manasā ritual in this village. There are two other mounds asides the main mound signifies other forms of deities. Two of them are decorated by vermillion and offerings are flower, banana, rice, betel nut and leaf. The floral mound is imagined as an altar for the deity Padmāwati. During the time of the ritual ceremony, it is surrounded by four seedling of banana trees fastened by the leaves of mango in a white thread. Mango leaves are associated with god Kāma symbolizes pleasure aspect of fertility. Now-a-days, they have permanent temple and idol of the deity. 

Fig C

Pujā begins informally with the mix up sounds of the beating of nāgārā and dhol. These are the traditional drums. Prayers in a sitting way and purification of the instruments tāl (cymbals) by the singing group is preliminary, because they are the one with which the performers are going to make the entire ritual successful.

And the events begin from the Adhivas. This is an invocation refers the pre phase of the worshipping tradition in one day before the actual ritual starts. This invocation is similar to the other pre stages of Hindu ritual, for sanctifying the ritual area to create a context by singing prayers (Mangalacharan). The song is about how this earth, gods and all earthly objects come into existence in this universe. The narrative is about the birth of goddess Durga.

The event Ghaṭ burani is directed a vedic concept. Ghat is resembled to pitcher from vedic religion where a pot (of brass, copper, silver) is always uses as a ritual object symbolizes abundance. Almost in every Hindu ritual ceremony, a pitcher (purnā-kalash) as a main focus of altar is always observed. Ghaṭ means a pottery and burani means cause to sink water. Ghaṭ is covered by a white cloth represents god Dharma which has a mythological relationship with deity Manasā. According to S. B Dasgupta (Dasgupta, 1367:327), ‘ The Dharma Thakur does not represent the conception of any particular deity,-he rather represent the general god head or of the sovereign deity popularly current in Bengal and Orissa from the tenth century A.D(as cited by P.K Maity, 197)’. On the other hand, sink with water may signify the live giving ability of Nature. This event is ceremonially completed in a nearby pond. In this event the possessed Deodhani goes completely under water to sink the ghaṭ. This ghaṭ is placed onto the mound of ritual deity.

Saku dān in the Maju (midle)

Darsana or vision or glimpse of the divine is very much present in this ritual in a folk way called Saku dān. Eventfully is propagated this by a māli, the caste of artist who makes the painted sculptural form known as Maju as an idol of the deity. Deodhani takes a very important role here where she shows the māli the path to the Maju. Maju is a kind of sculpturic form made up of thermocole or white paper. It looks like a small temple shaped structure where various arts or paintings from the myth of Manasā are drawn. It is said that the ritual has been inherently continuing with this non-permanent sculpture form from the very past. With this event, communication is expected by the devotee to the painted images of the deity Manasā on the Maju. This is an exchange of vision where the mediator Deodhani and the deity exchange the commingling of human and divine essences. Unlike the Hindu ritual, the vision is given by the devotee signify the existence of the deity in the Maju from where she can see the deeds, respects of them such as bow down, Pranām etc. Pranām is a gesture of respect holding the hands together and touching the forehead.  P 


Calling of deities by sound is associated with the ritual known as Deo hākurā fulfilled by the Deodhani. The term is a local dialect where deo means all gods and goddesses and hākurā means to utter. During this event, there is no background text to support her. Her performance reflects the vigor giving a crying essence as if requesting something to the heavenly powers. The dark night makes entire surround very scary. She reaches a high point of vibrating her body and hairs. Finally this is come an end when she calms down.

Another ritual event is Dak or falling unconsciousness by the Deodhani. At the end of this event she gets her sense back which is an outcome of great effort put by the Ojā and his troupe. It has been collected five kinds of Dak performed, for instance, Phul Dak, Durgā Dak, Gohain Dak, Sāya-māya Dak, Lokhāi Dak among which the last one takes long duration to get back the consciousness. This is related to the narrative of Beulā Lakhindhar, the popular Manasā story.

Dak

Sacrifies or Bali Bidhān is the offerings to the deity have taken a formal rite. Besides the usual offerings the deity is offered animal sacrifices (buffalo, goat, and pigeon). This is due to get the favour from the deity by giving the more valuable present with them. All those are consumed by the deity for whom the beheaded parts of the animals are placed in front of the altar. During this field visit, I have asked about who decided the animals sacrificed? Then the Deuri said it was he who used to dream almost every year about the animals to be sacrificed!!

This event is really fearful and the entire arena is spread with blood. I cannot justify this belief through their logic of getting favour from the deity, but the citation to which once I was disagree, now has lead to a very positive and appropriate saying : ‘the rule of do-ut-des-‘I give that thou mayest give’….while the brahminic ritual expresses it (animal sacrifices) equally clearly: ‘ here is the butter; where are thy gifts?’(Leeuw, 1963:350).

Prasad, literally means gracious gift which is edible- first offers to deity and then consume. It has the deity’s blessings residing within. The Tilak or Phot, a mark on forehead is taken red in colour symbolizes Śhakti or strength. The mark is given in the middle of the forehead where a third eye is imagined according to Hindu philosophy means spiritual enlightenment. Head garland is also put on to all devotees (including Me!!)

And the remnants of sacrificed animals are equally divided into all. The festive mood got its colour and fulfillment with a communial meal at which god is imagined to be either a participant, or else is identical with the sacrifice, that is with the food consumed.  Undoubtedly, that is the Prasad for them too.

Many other dramatic comic performances (dumuni maya bhanga, jakhini uluta etc.) are also enacted on last day which is not directed related to the ritual. But it creates a good communication between devotee and ritual performer. The audiences are entertained by some of the popular comic scenes.

Thus, the pujā becomes an end.

It’s a story of Salvation: The entire ritual can be interpreted in the context of Hindu Brahmanic tradition. Consequently, it’s not only about the belief and the way to the cult, it’s more about a story of salvation when one notices the performance level and its communications through bodily speech. The performers have a sharp view and communication by means of performing in front of the altar almost all the time. The priest Deuri and his assistant Deusi has no part directly into this communication but help out to fulfil the stages of the entire ritual. It is a social outdoor (temple) ritual lasts for three days and three nights. But where is the salvation? Leeuw (ibid :101) cited, ‘salvation has come to us-the cry of faith of the reformation had its dawn in the primitive conception of deliverance wholly unearned by man himself: Salvation therefore is power, experienced as good’. Salvation is acquainted to everywhere in Nature. Salvation for a Hindu is called Moksha, is when enlightened human being is freed from the cycle of life and death (reincarnation) and comes into a state of completeness and become oneness with God. In the ritual Manasā, the Deodhani can be considered as the main devotee who tries to merge with the supreme in many ways. Her red attire, open hairs and entire get up reflects how she gets her dawn interacting within herself towards the liberity from the normal living life. The tilak places more bright and distinguish on her forehead so that spiritual entity can enter into this. In the ritual, the invocation creates a context for her and she starts performing meditating posture, performs like a powerful being with the help of sword and the ritual duties turn herself into a ritual object. She follows the verses sung by the singer and created a text. The movement like turning circle repeatedly, gesture like half opened flower rests on her chest and half opened eyes-nimilita are the performance centered text which has no specific time for performing. She applies these movements repeatedly which help her to improvise the context. At the end of the ritual she gets completely indulge into the possession.

The observance is while she performs Dak has fell asleep and become unconscious like almost die, but she gets up at the proper time when she has to be, without any background support from the singing text. She said that she was completely unaware of the songs. But for the singers she is following their text!! She is known by herself to not to lay down and instructed to continue the rest part of ritual. She preferred this as a heavenly connection with the deity to any other.

She takes part of different characters from the performing narratives. It shows how she is instructed to disseminate the powers of the female spirit and perform a past true event without any mistake. The state of trance that once the Deodhani goes into it she lies down as if she is dead. On next morning when she wakes up for which the rural believe that the Ojā has some magic to wake her up that is the performance without any mistakes. For the villagers, Deodhani becomes alive from death situation. The villagers start mopping their house because the dead body is considered to be the symbol of great impurity hence minimal physical contact is maintained, perhaps to avoid the spread of infections or germs. And hence they mop and sprinkle water for purity and avoid unclean. Moreover, that is the last day of the worship also. When the scholar asked one of the village women regarding the death of Deodhani on the particular night of her trance she replied that the Deodhani did not move for a sec. She remained same or ‘as it is’ for many hours or might be whole night whence she fell to sleep. So, she is considered to be a dead woman. The scholar also observed that at the time of trance she is fully covered by a white cloth and fell asleep.

After this, the healing process starts. Once the rural witness her after a recovery of the state of trance they fully believe in her and start saying their sickness, problems etc. and Deodhani heals their pain. I have also participated on that event of healing.

She receives the oneness by involving herself into some ways:

1. The ways of action where she involves in carrying religious ceremony, duties and rites without any personal gain.
2. The way of devotion which she completes everyday ritual in her own hut.  She has a specific place to worship based upon the love for the goddess.
3. The way of performing which she does by shaking her head in both sitting and standing stance until or to reach trance.

She is very different in her dress, neither her way of social life. But she is happy and feel  good because she experiences god/goddess. It is a ritual for the devotee and devotion for the outsiders. But it is a salvation for the Deodhani talking to the devotion within the devotees. 

Time and space recall Manasā and she comes on this earth repeatedly: Celebration is carried on in time which is already become specialised. Each season has some specific value and causing effect. The season when Manasā is worshipped is a rainy season due to which a lot of reptiles create fear and disturbances among the folk. Regarding this there was induced an area where people started worshipping the snake goddess turned it into a sanctified area-the temple of Padmawati. The popular myth of Manasā though represents a past where goddess was active in human realm, never stops to narrate those divine acts in the human world. Those are definitely retold over and over again in any form like Māre gān. People believe that the area Mandalgram is now more or less recover from the fears of snakes because they have been continuing the invocation. The Ojā-pāli and Deodhani invoke her through many rites and she comes and exists in every object in which the performers devote their bow.

Devotees watching Deodhani

Conclusion: The goddess Manasā was initially worshipped by the non-Aryan as represented by cowherds, farmers, fishermen and gained popularity slowly among the Brahmin. The goddess is not confined to Hindu, for her worship by Muslims both in Assam and West Bengal. In Assam, the reference of her worship was turned into a written form by an early poet Narayandev’s composition Padmā Puran in the 17^th century who was patronised by Koch king Dharmanaraya of Darrang. Manasā  ritual is accomplished with help of symbolic performance by Deodhani and Ojā-pāi.

In that village, the ritual Manasā is fulfilled by loukik (local method) tradition of Māre gān and hence success of this ‘Ojā-pāli gua’ depends on the performance of Deodhani also. And for this both of them must be communicative and hence she might be taught by Ojā rather a former Deodhani. The deity and her blessings by any means present among the rural-either in the beliefs or the food consumed from the ceremony. People needs Deodhani because only through her they get connected to the divinity. But her living life is beyond social strategy for which no one likes their daughter to become a Deodhani. Also various folk scoldings are found on her name.For her spiritual identification, Deodhani follows a set of ways to the ritual. This performance may be a lifelong dedication or a way to survival.  From when the Deodhani is included in this ritual is noteworthy. In Assam, we find the concept of Deodhani, a divine possession in terms of a Śhakti ritual, associated with sound and music. It is said that none other less Devadasi who was considered to be pure woman resides in temple who dedicates life for god-unearthly can be fit for Deodhani too. But what a Deodhani reflects is fearful and very much different from Devadasi performance.The entire research has been analysed keeping the view of Hindu tradtional way of worshipping and phillosophy. 


So, without the outer there is no inner, or if there were it would not appear.  That is how, the possession appears in front of the devotees and makes believe in goddess reaches on this earth. Such kind of Folklore is almost in everywhere and is transmitted through very many ways.

Asked about the deity and her existence, at the end of the ritual, the oldest man in the village replied, ‘Yes. She has come. She is here.’

‘She comes every year’.

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Bibliography:

Bowen, John R. 2005. Religion in Practise. Pearson: New York.

Devdutt, Pattanaik. 2000. The Goddess in India: The Five Faces of the Eternal Feminine. Inner Traditions /Bear & Company: India.

Leeuw, G. Van Der. 1963. Religion in essence and manifestation. Vol.I &II.  Harper &Row publisher: New York.

Maity, Pradyut Kumar. 2001. Historical studies in the cult of the Goddess Manasā. Punthi Pustak: Kolkata, India.