Sunday, August 5, 2012

An analysis of my Personal Names


Title: How does my personal name experience from birth till now reflect wider Assamese society?

Introduction:

It is very universal to have names for a human being. The link between a name and a person or object/thing denominated by it is an association and a bond which unites the two in such a way that we cannot deny the inherent folklore related to it. The naming convention is very much influenced by the culture of the society where different kinds of beliefs, secrets are adjoined to it. In fact, many people regard their name as a vital portion of themselves and take care of it accordingly. Anthroponomy attributes the study of personal name where Given names, Surnames, Clan names, Matronyms, Patronyms, Teknonyms, Nicknames, Ethnonyms are elongated. My personal names never drawn any attention towards my experiences or any other ideal bond related to the culture and society until I was given to manipulate it here as an essay. Being an Assamese in particular and an Indian in general, I was crossed by the traditional naming convention which is much influenced by caste system. In Assamese society, elderly persons including teachers are never called by their name. Here, in this essay it is tried to summarise the naming experiences further added the informal, humorous addressing with variety of phonetic variation.

The Assamese society:
Assam which is also known as Pragjyotisha and Kamarupa in Early period, is an anglicised form of the name of the premier state of North-East India, a region very strategically situated, close to India’s international borders with the four countries- China, Myanmar, Bhutan, and Bangladesh. She can be broadly divided into three distinct physical units, the Brahmaputra Valley in the north, the Barak Valley in the narrow protruding south and the hilly region separating the two valleys. The Term ‘Assam’ or ‘Axom’ is interpreted by some scholar as a formation of Sanskrit derivation which means unequalled; as an undefeated or low country. But the more widely popular and accepted opinion is that the term has come from the word ‘Ahom’, the people who migrated to the Brahmaputra valley in the early 13th century and gave shape to the Assamese society today after ruling about 600 years till the annexation of Assam by British. Assam has had links with Aryan Civilisation and culture since ancient times. This land has been the meeting ground of diverse ethnic groups and cultural streams since time immemorial. Various tribal communities-at different level of acculturation, integration and assimilation vis-à-vis the Assamese Hindu society-live in the hills and plains. Assamese is the most widely spoken language throughout the state. Roughly, from the ten century and onwards the Assamese language both as a medium of literary expression and as a vehicle of diffusing Hindu religion and culture played a vital role in the evolution of Assamese society. In spite of the assimilative power of Hinduism and the increasing influence of Sanskrit and the newly emerging Assamese, the ratio of tribal population speaking their own dialects and observing their traditional customs and rites must have been greater during 13th and 14th centuries. Naturally, therefore tribal dialects exerted some influence in shaping the Assamese language through the unusual process of evolution. While there is a small but significant Assamese Sikh, Christianity has been adopted by a section of local people specially tribal group. Muslim population is also present in sizeable proportion. They together contribute to the scenario of socio cultural Assamese society.
The term Assamese is used to refer to those who are citizens of Assam, indigenous or long settled inhabitants of the state. The language of the native people is called Assamese too. The state has a larger no. of tribes and castes within their variety of tradition and culture. Through the decades of different kingdom like Ahom, Koch, Chutia, Barahi and Kachari, Assamese was remained the language of common people. The bond of unity sponsored by the adoption of Assamese as the common speech contributed, in lesser way, to the emergence of Assamese society with its distinct ethos.

The naming convention and ritual:
The Assamese synonym word for name is nām. Like all other Assamese family, I have a naming convention of Shri (initial) Purabi (given name) Baruah (sur name).This is given by the family with a no. of rituals and beliefs on the day of initiation rite and soon after my marriage one more sur name and initial has been added into my name. Also the initial has changed. The given name Shri Purabi Baruah is considered as my good and official name. which is not the real name. The real name is considered to be Secret and it is known as Gupta (secret) nām. There may be many good names but real name should be only one.
Birth chart according to Hindu faith. Source:Internet 
The naming tradition and ritual is known as Gananā which means to count. In this ritual, almanac, the birth sheet or Kusthi is made soon after the birth of the child where a mere future life is predicted as-the child’s interest and nature as accordance with the position of the moon and stars, longitivity of life; bad affects in the life period etc. And most importantly calculated Horoscope as well as Zodiac sign; the birth chart-Janma lagna (A floral diagram indicating the positions of planets, stars and moons); Assamese calendric year, time and place of birth. The Hororscopic chart or birth chart (Janma lagna kundali) is a representation of the planets in the sky at the time of birth of a person. It depicts the rising sign (Lagna) and position of planets in different zodiac sign (rāshi) or houses. 
My zodiac sign is virgo which should contain the letters P (Pa) and Th (Tha). My mother used to tell me that they did not find any name starts with ‘Tha’. Therefore, all names were taken by P including the Secret name. The real name and the good names are oriented by zodiac sign.

The Personal name studies and analysis:
     1. Official Good name: As we can see the good name consists of three parts. The first part Shri is a title prefix before a person’s name used in Indian context. Shri is used in most languages of the Indian subcontinent both for male and female gender. The specific initials for Assamese people in its gender perspective are Kumari (unmarried girl), Sriman (male), Srimati (female-married). The term ‘Shri’ is a Sanskrit word which means radiator or diffusing light. Typically, it is a title to give respect, honour and esteem. In very lay terms, it means Mr., sometimes it may mean Sir, and seldom means ‘The Great’. When it is used before the name of a respectable or venerable personage, it is repeated twice, e.g.- Shri Shri Shankardeva who is honoured for his greatness and contribution to Assamese culture. Its usage is also common with Indian classical music (rāgas), either as a prefix or postfix such as Shree, Bageshree, Dhanashree, Malashree, Jayantashree, Rageshree, Shree Ranjani, etc. It is used to address gods in the Hindu pantheon, elders and any individual. Holiness and divinity are attached to the word when written or spoken. But it is not limited in use only for persons and musics but also Gods, scriptures and divine structures (yantrā). The influence of Shri is also seen in the name of town like Srinagar (India), Srirampur (Assam) and south Asian country like Srilanka. For every formal cases, the utterance of Shri before one’s name is profound in Assam may be because of the Sankrit origin and Hinduised culture. Some of the eastern part of Assamese inhabitant specially the Ahom community use ‘Chao’ as initial before individual which has equivalent meaning as Shri. Chao is a word of Tai language (Tai-Kadai), which was spoken by Ahom kingdom.
Accordingly, my full name can be split into three parts-Shri+Purabi+Baruah.  So, Shri may be signify as wealthy or honoured. ‘Purabi’ has no dictionarial meaning. But this word may derive from Purab or Purav, a Hindi word which means the east direction. Also it might get its variation from the Sanskrit word Puravi which refers an Indian classical musical piece (Purvi Rāg/Rāgini). The sur name Baruah is my patronymic association and large in no. in Assamese society which is considered as royal class. Originally the title ‘Baruah’ was conferred for most of class of officers in the Ahom kingdom of medieval Assam and belongs to Ahom noble family. The Ahom appointed officers with various titles and the title ‘Baruah’ means a ‘Leader of 3000 men’.  The Baruas / Baruahs / Barooahs of Assam are Hindus by faith and have been a key contributor to the growth of Assamese community. They are not specific in class and caste system. In fact, there are found different classes among Baruahs.
It can be mentioned here that Family names in North-East and East India are most commonly and originally derived from professions in the caste system. More particularly, other terminology like Gotra (family or clan), Varna (classes) are also associated with Ancient Indian naming tradition. Gotra broadly refers to the people who are descendants in a male line from a common male ancestor. Again, a basic division of Indian society can be observed as a Priesthood (Brahmin), warrior class (Kshatriya), Commoners/Traders (Vaishya), augmented by a class of unfree Serfs (Shudras). This was a socio economic category in ancient India known as Varna based on the responsibilities or duties towards the society and not restricted to Hinduism as well. Known by Khastriya as a class and Koch as a caste (jāti), I can put the observation of my sur name such as there might be a chance of ruling warriors by my forefathers under Ahom kingdom with the grade of Baruah who is the leader of 3000 warrior.

     2. Other good names: There were granted other good names by the elderly people of my family as they have their own point of view of naming the child. Among those names some are-Poly, Plawan, Padmalaksmi, Purvasri etc. It can be noticed that all names start from the letter P which signifies they are under same zodiac sign. Among these names, Poly has no significant meaning; Plawan means to float, and Padmalakshmi is a name of goddess Lakshmi which means goddess of wealth sitting in a lotus. It is believed that by keeping the name of a god and goddess the child is protected by him/her and able to captivate the moral value. It is also believed that by uttering the name of such person considered as equivalent as to take the name of that god and hence free from miseries. By the name of goddess, I, therefore, as Padmalakshmi, am always ensured to be protected and wealthy by Goddess Lakshmi in my thoughts and beliefs.

     3. The Secret Name: In Assamese society every man, woman, child has, besides a personal name which is in common use or official use, a secret or sacred name which is bestowed by the older men or priest upon him or her soon after birth, and which is known to none but family members. This secret name is never mentioned except upon the most solemn occasion such as marriage. But this name is never used in daily social life. Thereby I got also my secret name ‘Pramila’ which is not known by anyone except my parents and now the reader of this paper. Being an offspring of a lineage (Gotra) of Kashyap, the analysis of my secret name can be illustrated as follows–

Pramila, a prominent female character from Indian Classical epic Rāmayanā, is the wife of Meghnad who is not human but demon-like (Asur) and daughter of Shesha who is the king of Serpent (Nāga raj). She was very bold and regarded as Sati. Meghnad is the son of king Ravan who had his kingdom in Singhal (present day Srilanka). Now giving the secret name as Pramila is significantly related to unmarried daughter of Shesha who is a son of sage (ṛsi) Kashyap and Kadru. So, undoubtedly she is the descendants of Kashyap. It can be noted that traditionally carrying the information as the descendent of Kasyap Gotra in the birth sheet of my forebear helped the Ganak to place the proper secret name. This way of naming might help the child to grow up with prosperity, protection and characteristics of its forebear. It is so strange to know about this naming that unconsciously I was intended to select my research topic which is related to Serpent goddess Manasa that bounds me to believe today on the secret name has been protecting me as well as intended to understand about her (Manasa’s) descendent, her role and powers.

It has been also noticed that nonetheless the tradition Ganana is executed by ‘Ganak’, a class (kula) of Brahmin, the highest hierarchical caste. Because, he is the real educated and knowledgeable one, who has depth insight into the human ancestral chronology. But, the source of giving the secret name relevant to the ancestral is not definite as the source of justification is self-limited because of its name belief.

An Assamese society influenced by Hindu religion believes in naming magic and witch craft. Assam is very much influenced by tantra practise which is practised in Kamakhya temple in Guwahati and some of the villages. Mayang village of Nagaon district is still practising some of the white magic for well-being of local people. The tradition of gupta nām or secret name might be going forward of this reason. The native thinks that a stranger knowing the real name would have the special power to work him/her ill by means of magic. Though this name tradition is very common in Assamese Hindu, there also may be observed that folks believe on the Brahmin or Ganak-the priest such as the latter never harms and performs magic upon other and always ensures the public come to him in distress. There might be a scope of belief that they are of high caste and do not pertain the kind of magic and mischief which is considered as low.

      4.Nick names: I must say about the nick names which are very dearer, humorous and sometimes meaningless too. Precisely, very much related to the psychology of religious beliefs. From the very childhood, I was taught to stand and pronounce properly and loudly my good name as ‘Sri Purabi Baruah’. I repeatedly practised. Instead of this name, my parents used to call me as Mājani which means ‘my dear little daughter’ from where the sounds of endearment of affection can be felt. I am still called as Dāngār Āi by my other relatives because of the eldest amongst all other first cousins in the joint family.It has been illustrated the meaning of Mājani in two different way-

First of all, Mājani may be parted as Mā+jani where Mā means mother who gives birth and jani is the post suffix uses for female. Mā is the word originated from the Sanskrit word Mātri. So, the word may represents the mother or from the mother.

Secondly, Mājani can be parted as Māj+ani where Māj means central/insight/middle  leading into the meaning of very personal and therefore assumes as very dear to heart. Ani again is the Assamese suffix for female.

Almost all the new born baby girl is called as Mājani specially in the eastern part of Assam. But conversing as Mā to a girl by their parents is common almost everywhere in Assam.

On the other hand, Āi signifies a motherly lady. Sometimes it is also used in addressing the wife of a Guru (god father) or teacher, mother-in law to daughter in law or vice versa. It is an affectionate term used in calling one’s daughter. The name Dāngār Āi means elder daughter which is more than a name and address a polite relational being. It’s also presumed an identity and position in the family. If my grandmother noises this name in front of the other, it’s quite obvious to understand them to know that I am the eldest of this family. But my grandmother herself never introduces me to other by this name too. And the nick name remains in its own boundaries of affection. Even the grandmother is called as Āita which has the noun Āi too. In the reign of Ahom kingdom, there were many terms for girl, wife, daughter, queen as well as princess like Āijani, Āiti, Āi deuta, Āideo, Āikan, Āi kuwari  etc. for which it can be said that the usage of the Āi  affects and contribute the Assamese society.

It is very significant to understand the importance of Mā or Āi in Assamese context. From the view point of ritual practice and other beliefs, it can be mentioned that female are honoured in the society in the form of goddess. Also they have the right to choose their groom and can live with him. Marriage however is performed and dominated as Social marriage (Prajapatayah) in the society. On the other hand, the term Āi or Mā is used to address the goddess/local deities for their power and pride performing many rituals, worships in temples. There are very many sanctums or shrines found in ancient Assam where traditionally rituals had been fulfilling, for e.g. the Kāmākhyā Temple of Kamrup. Traditionally the śākta cult is considered to have its centre in Kāmarupā with its chief temple at Kāmākhyā. It is the most holy and famous shrine of the sect, and with its worship was associated the various rites, mantras, mudras and sacrifices. There is a myth behind this shrine-

The name of the hillock where the shrine stands is Nilācala (Blue Mountain). According to the Kālikā Purāna, a religious text of 10th century, the genital organ of Sati (the first consort of Lord Shiva) fell here when her dead body was carried hither and thither in frantic sorrow by her husband Shiva. When Sati’s genital organ fell on the mountain, it turned blue. The goddess herself is called Kāmākhyā, because she came here secretly to satisfy her amour (Kāma) with Shiva. When Narakāsur (a demon who likes powerful seeking deities) founded a kingdom in early Assam established himself  as the custodian of this Goddess and made her the presiding deity of the state. Later religious history also centres on her and other goddesses recognised as her varied manifestations. The Shrines of different goddess are initiated in Assam indicates the religious faith of the people. The worship of śakti goddess is completed to the sacrifices of animals and by divine possession Deodhani till today. They pronounce every goddess as ‘Mā’ or ‘Āi Gukhāni’. Now, ‘Gukhāni’ is a primitive Assamese term used to indicate goddess prior to Vedic cult. So, it might have a possibility of adding Āi before the term Gukhāni in the reign of Ahom Kingdom.

The philosophy behind the worship of goddess in the form of woman is that she is the base of all power through which the earth is balanced. The nature or world (Prakriti) and man (Purush) are consumed by the power of śhiva and śhakti and unite such a way that they forget about time and gender differences.

Kamakhya temple, source: internet

The festival Ambubāchi, the menstruation of Mother Earth is celebrated in Kāmākhyā temple where huge no. of devotee gathers. The Sanskrit term Ambuvāci, from which the local Assamese word Ambubāchi or Ambubasi is derieved, literally means ‘the issuing forth of water’, referring to the swelling of the Earth’s waters from the beginning of monsoon. People also believe that this festival is a celebration of Kāmākhyā’s menstruation, but in fact, it is the menstruation of the entire Mother Earth, and Kāmākhyā is the seat of her yoni becomes the focal point for related festivities. The goddess here being intimately connected to the matriarchal tribes of the hills for thousands of years, it’s no wonder that this powerful and uniquely female cycle would be celebrated and venerated here. For devotee, specially amongst Tantrics at the temple, Ambubāchi is a time of tremendous power and celebration. People believe that Mother Earth cannot be impure, and that this is a time of potency and reflection. It is a time to celebrate the gifts that Mother Earth gives to earth-food, shelter, the very foundation of life striving towards oneness with Mā. Devotee wait for hours to receive a small piece of the red-silk ‘blood- cloth’ upon which Devi (goddess) sits during her menses. This piece of cloth is said to be very auspicious and powerfully beneficial if tied onto the body.
The Assamese people also symbolize the disease Small pox as Āi which they mean the form of goddess Śītalā. She is the goddess of wounds, boils and diseases in Assamese Hindu mythology. Śītalā is represented as a young maiden crowned with a winnowing-fan, riding an ass, holding a short broom (either to spread or dust off germs) and a pot full of pulses (the viruses) or cold water (a healing tool). Among low-caste Hindus and tribal communities, she is an iconically represented with slab-stones or carved heads. Sometimes, she is said to be carrying a bunch of neem (Azadirachta indica) leaves, an ancient herb that is very much an effective remedy to most skin diseases even today. Even today the Assamese folk rarely use medicines curing small pox. The women folk perform ritual Āi xabhā, a meeting for the goddess Śītalā where they sing Āi nām for praise of her.
Also for interjection of pity, exclamation of terror, wonder or pain in a sudden state the words āi-ou!, āi-oii!, ohh mā! are come out automatically.
Hence, the child daughter is resembled to Mā or Āi which has an inherent meaning may be related to woman dignity and power. This words are considered to be very religious, sacred, pure, powerful and central and so significantly important.
Another interesting name Indumati or Inda by my sister is very much famous among her friends and colleagues. Indu and Indumati have dictionarial meaning in Assamese i.e., Moon and a mythological female character respectively whreas Inda has no meaning. Generally mati is a suffix used in terms of female in Assamese literature, for instance Srimati. I have asked few years back about this name and its context. But she was completely unaware of these meaning said above. But, she has mentioned a context saying that she tried to repeat my nick name Mājani along with bā (bā or bāidauo is a word used for elderly sister in Assamese society) i.e., Mājani bā as shorter as she could and finally it produced the sounds like Inda and hence the name ‘Inda-Indua-Indu-….Indumati’ was arrived. And co-incidently the name is a mythological character. I have tried to do many times like she did. But this pronunciation inda/indumati could not come.

    5.Playful Names: Later on, in school, colleges and university life had adjoined different and playful names which are related to my look, my nature, my physics, my hobbies etc. For my look all my school and college friends use to call me as Xukāni, Ketengi which means pencil-thin and hence ugly. The other name in Hindi is Hasina 2-foot ki means beautiful lady of 2 feet. This is quite similar to the Escape mechanism where people evade unpleasant realities and present it in an attractive way. All other names, for e.g. Kanduri for crying and emotional girl, Polā for running away as because I was talkative and people used to get bored, Nāsoni for dancing girl etc. 
       And then when the University life had begun folks started calling me as Puu , the short form of Purabi and they stress on the letter u, and it sounds like ‘uuuuu’ and variant or vibrant. I got in my year the best dancer award and university folks started calling- Dhintāk, Satriā, Amrapāli and so on. Now Dhintāk is a rhythmic syllable, Satriā is a traditional performing art form of (15th century) Assam whreas Amrapāli is a historical female courtesan who was a spiritual practitioner. All these are connected and specify to my particular performing form of practice with attainments. 
     During the higher study level, in its urban context, scholars used to call me as the name Deodhani my research title ‘Deodhani’. Deodhani is a devine lady who can possess power during the time of Shakti ritual which is supernatural. People believe her sacredness and responsibilities but deny her existence. They never allow their children to become a Deodhani possession. In a rural Assamese society, Deodhani is not considered as a good term to be used for good lady. However, Purabi becomes my identification and during all of my travel and research period till today in the Tartu University has been continuing where sound variation is observed.

      6.Name, being a Married woman: Marriage which brought a big change into my life from the name to the life style, has also significantly influenced by the culture in which I have grown up. From the journey of my name Sri Purabi Baruah to Srimati Purabi Baruah Talukdar, it was acquired the way to find out flexibility about the terminology Gotra,  Jati, Varna within the culture. To become Mrs. Talukdar or Talukdārani leads me to know about what Talukdar signify in the history of wider Assamese society. In the society, the wives once married have no longer use their name informally and call as surname title of their husband like other society has, for e.g- Baruahni, Dasani, Nathani, Kalitani etc. where Baruah, Das, Nath, Kalita are the sur names of their respective husbands and ni is the Assamese suffux for female. Thereby I also began to address as Talukdarani in an informal way. The more formal way to call me is ‘Srimati Talukdar’.

Conclusion:
In Assamese society various names are found as Devine and Non-devine. Among the divine names the names of omnipotent gods and goddess –Brhma, Vishnu and Maheswar who are the main gods and their consort as main goddesses. But they have various manifestation of identifying themselves according to their incarnation to the earth to fulfil proclaimed purposes. So, naming tradition accrues by events and deeds that these divinities perform. There is a plethora of lesser gods also in the form of rain, fire, water and they may have wives, son, daughters and their creation. Thereby, the name related to nature or beauty of nature, name of rivers, trees, intangible divine creation like light, shadow, dawn/morning are counted which touches aesthetic pleasure of sounds and mind. Naming a mythological character from ancient past is also seen in a large no. The significant purpose is to get power and protection from the particular name. Among the non-divine names animals name like Mayur (peacock), plants like Dubari (a kind of grass use in local ritual), Lata (orchid), ornaments like Hira(diamond), Mukta (pearl) etc. can be observed which are gender specific. There may unlimited names in one’s life which have some significant meaning, sometimes adjacent to ancestors, society and culture. Sometimes meaningless and often has nothing to do with surrounds but related to emotions. In Assamese society most of the personal names are related towards magic: it is a name of preventing a black magic either god or goddess name or name of some sages, some ornaments, gems etc. The personal naming tradition is helpful to understand the religious text and context in Assamese society. Through this Anthronomy, it is found names and phrases addressing my cultural identity, it also helps to understand the relational being. Personal names may be varying; it may be one or many. I have a collection of 20 opersonal names of my own most of which are phrases to address. Though all are not related to wider Assamese society but have essence of Sanskritised and Indianness. The experiences are indeed counted a deep philosophical insight.

Bibliography:
Barua, B.K. 2003. A Cultural History Of Assam. Bina publication: Guwahati, India.
Baruah, Hemchandra. 2007. Hemkosha: Etymological Assamese words and Idiomatical phrases done into English. Hemkosh Prakashan: Guwahati-03, India .
Baruah, Purabi. (unknown). Personal Diary. Unpublished.
Bordoloi, Nirmalprabha. 1989. Devi. Sahitya Prakash: Guwahati-03, India.
Frazer, Sir James. 1996. The Golden Bough. Wordsworth Reference: Great Britain.
Leeuw, G. Van. 1963. Religion in Essence and Manefestation (vol-I &I). Harper & Row Publishers: New York.
Paul, Amar Krishna. 2005. North –East Encyclopedia. General Publication: Guwahati-03, India.
Sarma, Satyendranath. 2001. A Socio-Economic and Cultural History of Medieval Assam. Bina publication: Guwahati, India.

Friday, July 27, 2012

Co-ordinated Deodhani workshop/ July 2010/ Tezpur


Co-ordinated Deodhani workshop:

Introduction: In the limelight of classical era and competence of performance, there are many curiosity surround us. Why I was interested to organise a workshop on Deodhani is centered to the queries arisen mainly from my research field. The workshop on Deodhani Dance was an first attempt to approach it as a form. And KKIPA became my supporter at hand to organise and hence possibly I was succeeded to co-ordinate the workshop. 
 participant observation

KKIPA is a non-profit and non-governmental cultural organisation encourages and promotes Indian classical Dance or allied arts forms. It has been organising summer workshop on Odissi Dance, a classical dance form of India and other different arts each year since last 2002. Mrs. Madhurima Goswami, the director of KKIPA herself is an Odissi exponent and researcher contributed to many art projects towards the rich culture of Assam.
Dance is an important part of ritual activity in Indian life. The importance aspects of any dance studies may include-
  •    Movement tradition.
  •  Movement content.
  • Its place in human life.
Due to academic research, the form, Deodhani Dance has arisen many queries stroked into my mind. After sufficient witness of the dance in different contexts, there arises a question -Do the movements have a specific content or does it evaluate special formal training?I can state that a dichotomy line can be traced out in between the practised ritual and popular art form of the dance. The dance to be conducted in the workshop was meant for a noble intention towards cultural enrichment.And consequently, Drona Bhuyan Oja whom has been recommended as a teacher (guru) of Deodhani Dance by repute cultural Organisation Sankardev Kalakshetra, Assam was invited to train in the workshop.
It is noteworthy to mention here that the ritual is transported from place of altar to stage by Lalit Nath Oja who went through a no. of cultural tour for many years popularised the dance in a national level.

The Background of the Dance: The division of dance was made in Sangeet Ratnakara (13th century) as Desi and Margi. Deodhani may categorise under Desi Nritya as it has regional taste. It has an close association with rurals of Assam and there is no formal trainings. This is a religious rite among the śhakti believers of the region. And also observed a  close association with goddesses like Manasā (serpent goddess) and Durgā. Padmā-Purān a mythological script in Assamese by Sukavi Narayandev the singing tradition Suknnāni Ojā-pāli is attributed. The entire performing choir has different variation in Assam such as Manasā geet, Māre gān, Bisahari gān etc.

Prior to the workshop: I came to know about a traditional bearer of Ojā-pāli  performance named Drona Oja of a locality Sipajhar during my field visit on Deodhani ritual (2008). He is a person of organising and participating in many cultural performances to uplift the Deodhani dance form. Mr. Nath himself is a traditional practisoner of Ojā-pāli  from his lastest seventh generation. Now he teaches his learning to his son and daughter. I came to know about his interest to conduct workshops on Deodhani as a Dance form. I took his words to help me out in future and that is how a seven days Deodhani Dance workshop has planned.

The workshop: The Deodhani workshop was trained by the traditional bearer instructing in Assamese language. There was introduced a brief description about dance and started teaching different pieces/slats  of it. Within the 7 days (7th-13th july) the participants were able to learn three pieces of the dance. The workshop was conducted in a local music school. The syllables and rhythm were archived personally. A hall was booked in the centre of the place where an half an hour presentation was also carried on last day. The presentation day was inaugurated by the chief guest Sunil Kumar Dutta, Prof. of Tezpur Central University. The audience were mainly the guardian of the participants, art lovers and different society such as Tezpur Darangi Kala Kristi organisation, Tezpur Art society. The dance was performed in full costume with accompany of singing, drum beats and cymbals playing. The participants were encouraged for their participation by giving them a packet containing participation certificate and an hand out of the Deodhani Dance in Assamese language. The packet was distributed by the invited chief guest.

participators at practising

Estimation: There were estimated 20 participants of mixed up aged from 3-30 years old including dance teacher, students and researchers. There was no national as well as local grant to support the workshop. The fooding and lodging of the invited trainer was supported by Srimati Nilima Baruah, one of the members of KKIPA. The entire refreshments during practice hours and presentation, the certificates cost, felicitations, remuneration/remberishments were estimated, decided and arranged by the KKIPA itself.

Expectation: Being an integral member cum student I had achieved a great support from KKIPA and its entire team. The conflated taste of dance with its original essence is highly expected in its performance. Moreover it was a great opportunity to work with and know how a traditional bearer-his training style and future plan on the form. The locality of Tezpur  is not familiar to the performance narrative of Shakti cult, it was my utmost effort to disseminate a step ahead this linguistically varied performance in Tezpur. Ambition is also to cope up the vigoriousity of the dance so that it can be used in frontier of modern theatrical act or other allied creative genre. As in the beginning I have mentioned to summarise a dance form as movement tradition, content and its value in human life here also it was collected the rhythmic syllable  and textualise and interviewed the artist. Many inward  and symbolic meaning of movements came into view which can be resembles into a social livlihood. My participant observation helped me out to know about the clue and co-ordination of movement sequences.

A formal outcome or the scheduled presentation: The outcome was a presentation of half an hour with the help of singing, playing Bortal (cymbals) and Joydhol (traditional drum). The dancers were in complete attire and make-up. The dances were performed with 
A tradition of stage decoration (on Presentation day)by the student
the help of prop for instance, dhal taruwal (sword and shield) and dulani (basketry with paddy and lighted earthen lamp). Before going in to performance, the dancers were enlightened with a traditional way of blessings from the guru and they offer present to him in exchange. However, a part of students performed Oddisi as instructed by Mrs. Goswami. Later the rest of the  young girls performed Deodhani. All the participators have been taught both Oddisi and Deodhani.
The teacher and his assistant were remunerated and falicitated by the organiser KKIPA and vote of thanks was delivered to all the supporters, parents who were present there. I am sure that the dancers had a great feelings and rejoice performing a total.

workshop

The teacher is instructing during practise

At practise

Inauguration by the Chief Guest
Inauguration by the Chief Guest


Inaugural day


 Deodhani Dance performance  with open hair


We are thankful to our invited chief guest, all our guardians, participants, Jyotikala Kendra, gathered society, Media-DY365, press and last but not the least Ram ji.

Thursday, July 12, 2012

Essay/ Research based



Manasā ritual: A deity who is called upon on the earth repeatedly
(An ethnographic meet)


Introduction: Turning to his religious experience, G.Van Der Leeuw (Leeuw, 1963: 463) cited Scheler’s thoughts as, ‘Everything external is closely connected with something internal; and conversely, without the outer there is no inner, or if there were it would not appear. A sacred stone, a god, a sacrament, therefore are experiences precisely as fear, love and piety are, since in both cases it is for us a question of what appears, of what makes itself known by signs…every act of worship, can only become understood primarily as the reflection of some experience; every act, every idea, is the expression of a need or a release, of pain or bliss’. I am quite agree to this thoughts and find myself resembling to the empirical experiences where the deity Manasā is evoked through many ways reveals the possessed divinity performance Deodhani. There are hundreds of concepts and usages of objects in this ritual reveal its primeval essence of worshipping. But accordingly this deity set herself up in the realm of Hindu yantra and pantheon(Fig B). My dissertation for the fulfilment of Ph.D research is mainly based on the performance studies. This essay is a small part of my research.

Fig A
Manasā ritual (Manasā pujā) is an another act of religious devotion in India directed towards the deity Manasā/মনসা (Fig A). The folk etymology of  Manasā(=Mānas+ā) is  derived from Mānas which means mind or intention. This may also lead to the meaning of connect spirituality insight of an individual. She is popularly known as a goddess of wish fulfilment and one who protects from snake bites. She is also ascribed with the power of curing infectious diseases like small pox and also as bringing fertility, wealth and prosperity.  She is venerated in Eastern India, some of her well known temples are also found in different parts of India such as in Haridwar. At the onset of rainy season, when the snakes are more active she is ritually invoked with sacrifices and offerings. She is a local deity imagined and prayed in the form of nature, maju or sometimes without form. Later she recognised as great devihood in Hindu śastric tradition and developed the image or form along with the other deity Swaraswati and Lakshmi. The legend and myth behind Manasā is the basis of many belongings such as Manjusha art, Solā art etc.  She is worshiped in a very vernacular way or local method (laukik) where glance of śastric Hindu worship tradition is also present. Undoubtedly, she is a pre Aryan goddess and the legend and belief behind her is about how she got the association within Hindu Pantheon. Vaishnavas, who usually refrain from worshipping goddess and even Muslims pay their homage directly or indirectly during the outbreak of epidemic diseases.
Fig B
The Assamese Hindu society is one which has assimilated into very many tribal groups. Manasā cult is popular in Western Assam among caste and tribes. Different epithets for her are Bisahari, Padmāwati, Paddā, Barmāni, Māre as according to the time and space. She is invoked by performing narrative with embodied performance; sacrificing animals; offering substances such as tulsi plant and other wild leafs (fern), rice, water, fruits, vermillion, betel nut and betel leaf, flower; ritual objects such as banana leafs, earthen lamp, ghee, śhankha (conch shell), ghaṭi (traditional brass pot). The devotees purify themselves by taking the remnant of the offerings as Prasad and Tilak. The primitive concept ‘Shaman’ is also present in this ritual through which divine possession released to an earthly human being (female) and consequently, the deity is invoked and invited to the ground to witness the deeds by her devotees and the shaman-Deodhani herself. The shaman and her possession is meant for the achievement such as the body, mind and spirit through which she gets into the involvement of higher and a supernatural being and consume the power to give the speech of the deity or prediction. People believe in this phenomenon.

Idol of Manasa
It is very difficult to say when this deity comes by this naming to be worshipped, but it can be revealed its existence when there was no religion and people worshiped nature so that they could come out from fear and dangers.


My empirical meeting with the villagers of Mandalgram, a small village in Dudhnoi area of Goalpara, Assam was very remarkable for me. I am going to put forward my experience and analysis in this essay from the field along with the help of secondary sources. The villagers propitiate the manifestation of the deity as Padda or Visahari. The believers of the deity invite her in a particular season and blessed. The villagers are of mainly Rabha and Bodo tribe, Koch Rajbangsi and Kalita caste. Śhaktism is more dominated in the village by goddess Manasā and kāli.

The ritual and its performing context vis-à-vis the festive mood: Mandalgram is a small village of Goalpara district of Assam. It is situated in 20 km away from the east side of the Dudhnoi railway (metre gauge) station. There is a temple in this village named ‘Mandalgram Padmā Mandir’ where once in a year of summer/spring season of looner calendar, the worship Māre/ Māroi pujā is carried out for three days and three nights. This religious ceremony is celebrated in the village every year from a much unknown early period. I was informed how prosperity bloomed into this village thereafter. Now-a-days, they can effort 2 buffalos as their sacrificial animal offerings which was not possible just three years before which means a definition of prosperity among them. Gatherings of many viewers and devotees have turned the location into a trading centre too. Moreover, they have a proper strategy to organise the worship as a celebration.

The basis of this celebration and its continuity is the fear comes from the power of the deity. And it is become a tradition to celebrate the religious fervor.The ritual follows the Assamese calendric month-Chot (March-April). Normally it is organised throughout the rainy season in between Chot-Bhāda (April-August).It is ceremonially worshiped on Nāga-Panchami in the Hindu month of Shrāvanā (local term is śāon). The ritual is performed in the temple as well as in an induced space which is sanctified and placed altars.

The orally transmitted ritual Manasā is not recorded yet except a collection of songs in local dialect called ‘Māre gān’ by Praneswar Rabha. Māre is the deity and gān means songs. Māre gān are performed ritually by a group known as Māre gua Ojā-pali where Ojā is the leader and palis are his assistants. B. K Baruah observes (Baruah, 1941: 90), ‘The songs of Manasā are still sung at the Ojha Pali when Manasā is worshipped as Marai (as cited by P.K.Maity, 295)’ (emphasis added by the scholar).
The ritual lady Deodhani takes a great role from beginning to end. The Deodhani of Māre gān and so, of Manasa worship is popularly known as Dedhāni.
The distinct ritual events lasts for three days and nights can be categorised as follows. I have divided it in a performance point of view.
  1. Pre phase of worshipping-Adhivas.
  2. Plummeting of Pottery and settle-Gha Burani.
  3. Vision of the divine- Saku dān
  4. Welcome/calling of deities- Deo Hākura.
  5. Unconciousness or state of trance Dak.
  6. Sacrifies-Bali bidhan
  7. Remnant of blessings or grace- Prasad.
Unlike Hindu ritual the priest (Deuri) and his assistant (Deusi) do not chant any hymn (mantra), rather the singing group (Ojā-pāli) and their songs about narratives become the context and text of the entire ritual. The performing narrative specifies the time and duration of each ritual event. The ritual follows the performing speech and songs of the singers. On the other hand, the performers also follow some vrata (fasting) for their own purification. Their dedication towards rituals accomplish by Deodhani. These all are meant to the deity to get her appearance/existence in the altar to sprinkle divinity. All forms of offerings, simple or elaborate, involve purification, communication, and offering are solemnised to invite the omnipotent on the earth for them. The prosperity and fulfilment of wishes are later experienced by individuals and set a line of belief amongst them.
It is noteworthy to mention here that there was no idol for the deity in the early period. It is observed a murti (appearance) stands with two other Hindu goddess (rural said that they were the sisters to each other) which is later appeared into their folk life. The idol of the goddess is a four armed image seated in Padmasana; each of the hands contain snake holding and lower right hand is in blessing gesture. A canopy of five snake hoods is over her head. On its extreme right there is tiny figure of the god Shiva. On the pedestal there is a swan on which she rests her right feet. But a mound of earth of floral design and a pot onto it, is a very old tradition of  worshipping Manasā ritual in this village. There are two other mounds asides the main mound signifies other forms of deities. Two of them are decorated by vermillion and offerings are flower, banana, rice, betel nut and leaf. The floral mound is imagined as an altar for the deity Padmāwati. During the time of the ritual ceremony, it is surrounded by four seedling of banana trees fastened by the leaves of mango in a white thread. Mango leaves are associated with god Kāma symbolizes pleasure aspect of fertility. Now-a-days, they have permanent temple and idol of the deity. 

Fig C
Pujā begins informally with the mix up sounds of the beating of nāgārā and dhol. These are the traditional drums. Prayers in a sitting way and purification of the instruments tāl (cymbals) by the singing group is preliminary, because they are the one with which the performers are going to make the entire ritual successful.
And the events begin from the Adhivas. This is an invocation refers the pre phase of the worshipping tradition in one day before the actual ritual starts. This invocation is similar to the other pre stages of Hindu ritual, for sanctifying the ritual area to create a context by singing prayers (Mangalacharan). The song is about how this earth, gods and all earthly objects come into existence in this universe. The narrative is about the birth of goddess Durga.
The event Gha burani is directed a vedic concept. Ghat is resembled to pitcher from vedic religion where a pot (of brass, copper, silver) is always uses as a ritual object symbolizes abundance. Almost in every Hindu ritual ceremony, a pitcher (purnā-kalash) as a main focus of altar is always observed. Gha means a pottery and burani means cause to sink water. Gha is covered by a white cloth represents god Dharma which has a mythological relationship with deity Manasā. According to S. B Dasgupta (Dasgupta, 1367:327), ‘ The Dharma Thakur does not represent the conception of any particular deity,-he rather represent the general god head or of the sovereign deity popularly current in Bengal and Orissa from the tenth century A.D(as cited by P.K Maity, 197)’. On the other hand, sink with water may signify the live giving ability of Nature. This event is ceremonially completed in a nearby pond. In this event the possessed Deodhani goes completely under water to sink the gha. This gha is placed onto the mound of ritual deity.






Saku dān in the Maju (midle)

Darsana or vision or glimpse of the divine is very much present in this ritual in a folk way called Saku dān. Eventfully is propagated this by a māli, the caste of artist who makes the painted sculptural form known as Maju as an idol of the deity. Deodhani takes a very important role here where she shows the māli the path to the Maju. Maju is a kind of sculpturic form made up of thermocole or white paper. It looks like a small temple shaped structure where various arts or paintings from the myth of Manasā are drawn. It is said that the ritual has been inherently continuing with this non-permanent sculpture form from the very past. With this event, communication is expected by the devotee to the painted images of the deity Manasā on the Maju. This is an exchange of vision where the mediator Deodhani and the deity exchange the commingling of human and divine essences. Unlike the Hindu ritual, the vision is given by the devotee signify the existence of the deity in the Maju from where she can see the deeds, respects of them such as bow down, Pranām etc. Pranām is a gesture of respect holding the hands together and touching the forehead.  P 


Calling of deities by sound is associated with the ritual known as Deo hākurā fulfilled by the Deodhani. The term is a local dialect where deo means all gods and goddesses and hākurā means to utter. During this event, there is no background text to support her. Her performance reflects the vigor giving a crying essence as if requesting something to the heavenly powers. The dark night makes entire surround very scary. She reaches a high point of vibrating her body and hairs. Finally this is come an end when she calms down.
Another ritual event is Dak or falling unconsciousness by the Deodhani. At the end of this event she gets her sense back which is an outcome of great effort put by the Ojā and his troupe. It has been collected five kinds of Dak performed, for instance, Phul Dak, Durgā Dak, Gohain Dak, Sāya-māya Dak, Lokhāi Dak among which the last one takes long duration to get back the consciousness. This is related to the narrative of Beulā Lakhindhar, the popular Manasā story.


Dak
Sacrifies or Bali Bidhān is the offerings to the deity have taken a formal rite. Besides the usual offerings the deity is offered animal sacrifices (buffalo, goat, and pigeon). This is due to get the favour from the deity by giving the more valuable present with them. All those are consumed by the deity for whom the beheaded parts of the animals are placed in front of the altar. During this field visit, I have asked about who decided the animals sacrificed? Then the Deuri said it was he who used to dream almost every year about the animals to be sacrificed!!

This event is really fearful and the entire arena is spread with blood. I cannot justify this belief through their logic of getting favour from the deity, but the citation to which once I was disagree, now has lead to a very positive and appropriate saying : ‘the rule of do-ut-des-‘I give that thou mayest give’….while the brahminic ritual expresses it (animal sacrifices) equally clearly: ‘ here is the butter; where are thy gifts?’(Leeuw, 1963:350).

Prasad, literally means gracious gift which is edible- first offers to deity and then consume. It has the deity’s blessings residing within. The Tilak or Phot, a mark on forehead is taken red in colour symbolizes Śhakti or strength. The mark is given in the middle of the forehead where a third eye is imagined according to Hindu philosophy means spiritual enlightenment. Head garland is also put on to all devotees (including Me!!)

And the remnants of sacrificed animals are equally divided into all. The festive mood got its colour and fulfillment with a communial meal at which god is imagined to be either a participant, or else is identical with the sacrifice, that is with the food consumed.  Undoubtedly, that is the Prasad for them too.

Many other dramatic comic performances (dumuni maya bhanga, jakhini uluta etc.) are also enacted on last day which is not directed related to the ritual. But it creates a good communication between devotee and ritual performer. The audiences are entertained by some of the popular comic scenes.

Thus, the pujā becomes an end.

It’s a story of Salvation: The entire ritual can be interpreted in the context of Hindu Brahmanic tradition. Consequently, it’s not only about the belief and the way to the cult, it’s more about a story of salvation when one notices the performance level and its communications through bodily speech. The performers have a sharp view and communication by means of performing in front of the altar almost all the time. The priest Deuri and his assistant Deusi has no part directly into this communication but help out to fulfil the stages of the entire ritual. It is a social outdoor (temple) ritual lasts for three days and three nights. But where is the salvation? Leeuw (ibid :101) cited, ‘salvation has come to us-the cry of faith of the reformation had its dawn in the primitive conception of deliverance wholly unearned by man himself: Salvation therefore is power, experienced as good’. Salvation is acquainted to everywhere in Nature. Salvation for a Hindu is called Moksha, is when enlightened human being is freed from the cycle of life and death (reincarnation) and comes into a state of completeness and become oneness with God. In the ritual Manasā, the Deodhani can be considered as the main devotee who tries to merge with the supreme in many ways. Her red attire, open hairs and entire get up reflects how she gets her dawn interacting within herself towards the liberity from the normal living life. The tilak places more bright and distinguish on her forehead so that spiritual entity can enter into this. In the ritual, the invocation creates a context for her and she starts performing meditating posture, performs like a powerful being with the help of sword and the ritual duties turn herself into a ritual object. She follows the verses sung by the singer and created a text. The movement like turning circle repeatedly, gesture like half opened flower rests on her chest and half opened eyes-nimilita are the performance centered text which has no specific time for performing. She applies these movements repeatedly which help her to improvise the context. At the end of the ritual she gets completely indulge into the possession.

The observance is while she performs Dak has fell asleep and become unconscious like almost die, but she gets up at the proper time when she has to be, without any background support from the singing text. She said that she was completely unaware of the songs. But for the singers she is following their text!! She is known by herself to not to lay down and instructed to continue the rest part of ritual. She preferred this as a heavenly connection with the deity to any other.


She takes part of different characters from the performing narratives. It shows how she is instructed to disseminate the powers of the female spirit and perform a past true event without any mistake. The state of trance that once the Deodhani goes into it she lies down as if she is dead. On next morning when she wakes up for which the rural believe that the Ojā has some magic to wake her up that is the performance without any mistakes. For the villagers, Deodhani becomes alive from death situation. The villagers start mopping their house because the dead body is considered to be the symbol of great impurity hence minimal physical contact is maintained, perhaps to avoid the spread of infections or germs. And hence they mop and sprinkle water for purity and avoid unclean. Moreover, that is the last day of the worship also. When the scholar asked one of the village women regarding the death of Deodhani on the particular night of her trance she replied that the Deodhani did not move for a sec. She remained same or ‘as it is’ for many hours or might be whole night whence she fell to sleep. So, she is considered to be a dead woman. The scholar also observed that at the time of trance she is fully covered by a white cloth and fell asleep.


After this, the healing process starts. Once the rural witness her after a recovery of the state of trance they fully believe in her and start saying their sickness, problems etc. and Deodhani heals their pain. I have also participated on that event of healing.
She receives the oneness by involving herself into some ways:

  1. The ways of action where she involves in carrying religious ceremony, duties and rites without any personal gain.
  2. The way of devotion which she completes everyday ritual in her own hut.  She has a specific place to worship based upon the love for the goddess.
  3. The way of performing which she does by shaking her head in both sitting and standing stance until or to reach trance.
She is very different in her dress, neither her way of social life. But she is happy and feel  good because she experiences god/goddess. It is a ritual for the devotee and devotion for the outsiders. But it is a salvation for the Deodhani talking to the devotion within the devotees
Time and space recall Manasā and she comes on this earth repeatedly: Celebration is carried on in time which is already become specialised. Each season has some specific value and causing effect. The season when Manasā is worshipped is a rainy season due to which a lot of reptiles create fear and disturbances among the folk. Regarding this there was induced an area where people started worshipping the snake goddess turned it into a sanctified area-the temple of Padmawati. The popular myth of Manasā though represents a past where goddess was active in human realm, never stops to narrate those divine acts in the human world. Those are definitely retold over and over again in any form like Māre gān. People believe that the area Mandalgram is now more or less recover from the fears of snakes because they have been continuing the invocation. The Ojā-pāli and Deodhani invoke her through many rites and she comes and exists in every object in which the performers devote their bow.



Devotees watching Deodhani

Conclusion: The goddess Manasā was initially worshipped by the non-Aryan as represented by cowherds, farmers, fishermen and gained popularity slowly among the Brahmin. The goddess is not confined to Hindu, for her worship by Muslims both in Assam and West Bengal. In Assam, the reference of her worship was turned into a written form by an early poet Narayandev’s composition Padmā Puran in the 17th century who was patronised by Koch king Dharmanaraya of Darrang. Manasā  ritual is accomplished with help of symbolic performance by Deodhani and Ojā-pāi.

In that village, the ritual Manasā is fulfilled by loukik (local method) tradition of Māre gān and hence success of this ‘Ojā-pāli gua’ depends on the performance of Deodhani also. And for this both of them must be communicative and hence she might be taught by Ojā rather a former Deodhani. The deity and her blessings by any means present among the rural-either in the beliefs or the food consumed from the ceremony. People needs Deodhani because only through her they get connected to the divinity. But her living life is beyond social strategy for which no one likes their daughter to become a Deodhani. Also various folk scoldings are found on her name.For her spiritual identification, Deodhani follows a set of ways to the ritual. This performance may be a lifelong dedication or a way to survival.  From when the Deodhani is included in this ritual is noteworthy. In Assam, we find the concept of Deodhani, a divine possession in terms of a Śhakti ritual, associated with sound and music. It is said that none other less Devadasi who was considered to be pure woman resides in temple who dedicates life for god-unearthly can be fit for Deodhani too. But what a Deodhani reflects is fearful and very much different from Devadasi performance.The entire research has been analysed keeping the view of Hindu tradtional way of worshipping and phillosophy. 


So, without the outer there is no inner, or if there were it would not appear.  That is how, the possession appears in front of the devotees and makes believe in goddess reaches on this earth. Such kind of Folklore is almost in everywhere and is transmitted through very many ways.
Asked about the deity and her existence, at the end of the ritual, the oldest man in the village replied, ‘Yes. She has come. She is here.’
‘She comes every year’.
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Bibliography:
Bowen, John R. 2005. Religion in Practise. Pearson: New York.
Devdutt, Pattanaik. 2000. The Goddess in India: The Five Faces of the Eternal Feminine. Inner Traditions /Bear & Company: India.
Leeuw, G. Van Der. 1963. Religion in essence and manifestation. Vol.I &II.  Harper &Row publisher: New York.
Maity, Pradyut Kumar. 2001. Historical studies in the cult of the Goddess Manasā. Punthi Pustak: Kolkata, India.